Trump’s Latest “Peace Plan” for Ukraine Proves Once Again He Works for Putin
- john raymond
- 3 hours ago
- 2 min read
We must begin from an explicit working assumption: President Trump is operating in alignment with Vladimir Putin’s regime interests, not American interests, and has done so consistently for years.
That alignment has two reinforcing layers. First, there is the personal-kompromat layer: the blackmail, financial leverage, and sexual or criminal exposure that would allow the Kremlin or its cutouts to destroy Trump’s political and personal life if he ever truly turned against them.
Second, there is the structural layer: Putin’s repeated use of Russian state power to aid Trump’s rise and survival — through criminal hacking, strategic leaks, covert finance, and the full-spectrum propaganda ecosystem that runs from Russian state media to Western fellow travelers and useful idiots. The alignment is not just ideological; it is operational.
This is not a “conspiracy theory” in the colloquial sense. It is a hypothesis that has accumulated years of corroborating data: the 2016 Russian hack-and-leak operation that was explicitly designed to help Trump and hurt Clinton; the sustained, multi-year social-media manipulation campaign; the obstruction and stonewalling around every serious attempt to investigate Trump–Russia links; Trump’s public deference to Putin at Helsinki and elsewhere; the continuous pattern of policy and diplomatic moves that favor Kremlin objectives at the expense of NATO, Ukraine, and the EU.
Treating all of this as random coincidence requires an increasingly baroque story. Treating it as a coherent pattern, in contrast, follows the normal scientific logic of inference from repeated observation.
Formally, we must acknowledge that any such hypothesis could, in principle, be wrong. There is always some non-zero probability that a large body of convergent evidence is misleading. But in serious fields — climate science, evolutionary biology, gravitational physics — we do not pretend that core, repeatedly validated frameworks sit at 50–50. We treat them as settled for the purposes of analysis unless and until truly extraordinary counter-evidence appears.
The probability that Trump is not enmeshed in a Kremlin-centered leverage and assistance network has, at this point, been driven down into the realm of the vanishingly small. That does not make it metaphysically impossible, but it does make it epistemically irresponsible to analyze his latest 28-point “peace plan” as though this alignment were an open question.
Within that frame, the traitor-general dynamic becomes the correct interpretive lens. A traitor-general is not a cartoon villain twirling a mustache; he is the commander who sits inside your camp, wearing your uniform, holding your authority — and uses that authority to push outcomes that serve the enemy’s interests.
Once we accept, as a working premise, that Trump is structurally and personally tied into Putin’s system, his Ukraine “peace plan” must be analyzed the same way we would analyze a Russian proposal: by asking what it does for Kremlin regime security, what harm it enables for Ukraine and NATO, and how it inverts the moral frame to blame the victim for refusing surrender.
That is the baseline. We are not going to relitigate whether Trump is aligned with Putin every time we look at a new move. We will treat that alignment the way a physicist treats gravity or a biologist treats evolution: as a standing condition of the system.
From this vantage, the so-called peace plan stops looking like clumsy diplomacy and resolves into what it actually is: the latest, and perhaps purest, iteration of the traitor-general dynamic.